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Shop Indie eBooks. See All Customer Reviews. Shop Books. Add to Wishlist. USD 6. Sign in to Purchase Instantly. Explore Now. Buy As Gift. Overview 18th Century France. Beautiful, but naive sixteen year old Madeline escapes the clutches of her domineering mother and heads for Paris, the city of her dreams. Falling under the influence of Monique; Madame to the French elite, she is soon drawn into the murky side of the city. Her varied admirers become many which leads to lust, love, envy This is the on-going saga of Madeline, her plight into prostitution, the awakening of her own sexuality and her climb to become the toast of Paris.

A classic visualisation on a contemporary theme, Madeline is a must for lovers of period drama and historical fiction. A series of novellas which contain highly explicit content and is suitable for adults only. Product Details About the Author. Women's putative physical and moral weaknesses rendered them subject to men.

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As a general rule, women were economically dependent on men and derived their social position from their relationships to male family members. The wives and daughters of askeris shared the status of their husbands and fathers. Unless women possessed wealth of their own and were of an age and disposition to remain unmarried, social expectations would have them bound to the authority of males, not only to obvious seniors like fathers and grandfathers but also to arguable compeers like husbands and brothers, and even to juniors, such as adult sons.

The view of women as dependent, lesser beings - a view rendered timeless by the official tendency to pronounoe on a flawed, generic womankind taife-i nisvan - was taken for granted, in"the air as it were. The weight of the designation in social relations and state policy derived from its wide discursive availability.

It appeared in Qur' anic and hadith citations and sermons from the pulpit, as well as in poetry and everyday maxims.

Madeline : The Whore of Paris - Book 5

There is little doubt, however, that decontextualized scriptural snippets played an important role in authorizing women's social marginalization. One of these was the Qur' anic verse calling on the wives of the Prophet Muhammad "to remain in your houses," an admonition commonly proposed for all women as a "model of emulation.

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Folk tales and popular verse allowed for worthy and spirited female figures, young and old, along with the usual crones and vixens. Faroqhi, ed. Arberry New York, , Boratav Bloomington, Ind. The pervasiveness of misogynistic tropes across Europe as well as the East testifies to the potency and cultural suppleness of gendered metaphors. As in the Ottoman milieu among both Muslims and non-Muslims, in the Christian polities of Europe, the discourse of the flawed female was ubiquitous. Equally at home in scripture, exegesis, high verse, and doggerel, it had in fact gained new virulence in Europe's early modern era.

All in all, though, these counterexamples did little to dislodge sweeping negative stereotypes. Like other designs of difference, the Ottoman gender hierarchy proved useful in more than one social setting.

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It was indispensable to those seeking justification for the exclusion of women from - among other honors and endeavors - public authority and the educational, vocational, and patronage pathways that led to it. Only the divide between Muslim and non-Muslim drew comparable fire in the period, but as will be discussed more fully in Chapter 2, the similarities between the two rhetorics are less revealing than the differences. Not surprisingly, rigid gender hierarchization as social practice was difficult to sustain against the pressures of real-life events and psychologies.

Not all families, much less all family decisions, hewed to patriarchal lines. In the bosom of the family, notions of male superiority could not always trump commonsense appraisals of female kin. Notwithstanding personal and individual adjustments of this sort, and with or without concerted state intervention to uphold the gender order, the discourse on women as lesser beings enjoyed bedrock longevity in the culture at large, serving the communal purposes of religio-political order and male primacy.

The institutionalization of female disadvantage through gender segregation, discriminatory labor practices,47 physical sequestering and the exclusion of women from venues of publicly recognized authority, fell most heavily on young, marriageable women. The fecund female was essential to patriarchalism. Her sexuality nonetheless posed a threat to patriarchal order and its female-centered notions of honor, hence the institutionalization of male ownership of women's reproductive capacities through marriage and concubinage.

Senior Anderson and Judith P. See Judith M. In more general tenns, Women usually came into their own as figures of authority with childbearing and with advanced age. The power of most senior women derived from their relationship to senior males. Senior men and women together, however, shared in households and family regimes that relied on the cooperation and assent of both. The enshrinement of male superiority retained its force throughout Europe and the Middle East. The ways in which this was so - the discussion of which will be taken up more fully in subsequent chapters - raise a number of related questions.

How, for example, are we to understand the imperial commitment to the prescribed gender order? In the context of an Ottoman commitment, in what particular regards, and under what conditions, were the central-state elites and elements of ordinary society supportive of women's subordination? How did women's subqrdinate position relate to the other dichotomies that informed Ottoman Muslim identity?

What are the implications of Ottoman gender relations and gender politics for the social meaning of political reforms, given the latter's connotations of modernity and betterment?

What inferences can we draw about the mind of the Ottoman refonner and the changing parameters of privilege, priority, and eventually rights in the emerging reform era of the nineteenth century? Patriarchal patterns The Ottoman fixation on social order and hierarchy was modeled on the durable image of the stem yet just patriarch-father.

As the enthroned sultan mirrored divine authority, male heads of families and households drew strength and authorization from the religiously imbued example of the sovereign. Oxford, , on these points and on historical patriarchy generally; and see Chapter 4 in this volume. On women's life stages and the exercise of power, see Leslie P. Zilfi, ed.

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Ottoman system of rule was not a full-blown, classical or biblical patriarchy investing the real or metaphorical father with the right to dispose of the property and persons in his all-powerful charge. The law, both shari'ah and sultanic kanun, mediated between householder and family, between subjects in their relations with each other, and most important between subjects and ruler. Variations in wealth also created alternative modes of distinction and routes to advantage.

Nonetheless, the righteousness of patemal, and ultimately male, dominion was an embedded societal value. Ottoman male dominion cannot be said to have constituted a single normative ideal unvarying across all landscapes and classes. One can speak of multiple patriarchal forms, each supportive of male priority in nonns of social conduct, the distribution of power, and large and small habits of rule. Each, however, was differently inflected by the specifics of personal circumstance and historical time. The life circumstances of the common orders, deferential to their betters and often only nominally in charge of their own kin, bore little resemblance to the patriciate's suites of dependents, slave ownership, and emblematic goods.

The distribution of wealth, the great unacknowledged in Ottoman prescriptions of social worth and privilege, in fact cut through and destabilized all of the prescribed polarities. Despite the implied incongruence of dual or even multiple patriarchies, the variant forms were intimately related and derived meaning and possibility from one another. Each tapped into the same normative repertoire of religious and customary ideals of male priority and masculine virtue. Whether as hegemonic rulership or male-dominated familism, patriarchal modes were ultimately interdependent, each shoring up the other's claims to legitimacy and contro1.

The one, however, was oxygen to the other. The postulates of gender asymmetry in the context of the Muslim population underscored the universality and fundamental unity of male Muslim domination and advantage.


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  8. The fraternalism and male comradeship entailed by the collective privileging of male Muslims were buttressed by males-only imperial ceremonies and audiences. They were further supported by male egalitarian worship in the mosques and by the spiritual and social brotherhood of Sufi affiliations.

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    Male community, however, was always strained by real-life material and positional differences. Qur'anic tenets and Ottoman Hearn, "From Hegemonic Masculinity," On the limitations of the distinction drawn by Weber and others between patrimonialism and patriarchalism, see James A. However, economic and status differences argued for a different social story, as did individual family decision making. For subjects of the empire who were male and Muslim, stratification within the Muslim community was perhaps most volatile in the juncture between religion and vocation.

    Male Muslims in high state office - the executive elite of viziers, metropolitan kadzs, bureau chiefs, military commanders, and the like stood at the pinnacle of the Ottoman social hierarchy. Their lower-ranked and less remunerated counterparts partook of some of the same intangibles. However, they lacked the. As for the tangibles of clothing, housing, and servants, the lower ranks also saw themselves as pitifully disadvantaged relative to wealthy Christians and Jews.

    The professional and material disgruntlement of the lower ranks surfaced in the politicization of the underemployed and undercompensated in the various official careers. Such men were ripe for recruitment in popular demonstrations and upheavals. Their dissatisfactions were also a major force behind the confessiona1ly charged tensions of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. As a general rule, with respect to material security and legal position, men and women of the lower orders were at greater risk than the wealthy and the connected of either gender.

    Especially if they lacked patronage or direct membership in one of the official careers, they were also often at greater personal risk than wealthy Christians and Jews. The extent to which the gender system's salutary effects were equally distributed across the male Muslim community'S occupational groups and statuses is clearly open to question. The way in which particular women acquired stature and advantage through the system is even less straightforward.

    The chapters that follow are concerned with the social power of the male-female dichotomy, for its impact on women certainly but for its meaning to men's lives and masculine identity as well. Despite official sanctioning, the five binaries were never fully substantiated, not when the Ottoman state was expanding in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, or in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, when Muslim lands and peoples were most beset. They are perhaps best understood as a stock of resonant imaginaries.

    They were available to those who believed them valid and essential, as well as to those whose credence was more contingent and opportunistic. In practice, they reflected a general though far-from-universal truth. The boundaries laid down by the binary formulas constituted the backbone of moral programming. The contexts in which human interactions occurred, however, made for more ambiguity than bounded models could envision. Individual men's and women's relational statuses and social identities added fluidity and often unpredictability, not only to interactions between individual subjects but also to the conduct and expectations of officialdom and public in their moments of contact.